From: John MacDougall Subject: IN: ST - Behind the Riots To: apakabar@clark.net (John MacDougall) Date: Wed, 1 Jan 1997 20:43:58 -0500 (EST) Behind the riots in Indonesia... (Editorial. The Straits Times. Monday, December 30, 1996) ____________________________________________________________ LAST Thursday's riot in an Indonesian town, which resulted in four known dead, was dismayingly familiar in its build-up. It began as fury against high-handedness by public officials but developed into an assault on unrelated Chinese and Christian interests. Where there is seething discontent and alienation felt by the masses, the better-off minorities are fair game. But for an effective army, it is frightful to think how mob violence can rage out of control. At one stage last week, the spillover into a nearby district from the trouble that began in the West Java town of Tasikmalaya threatened a chain reaction. Mercifully, the army was ready. For a country with 196 million people, among whom are 26 million families officially clasified as poor but also a handful of well-connected minority Chinese and pribumi who are rich beyond imagining, sporadic outbursts can be expected. And though explosions of public anger or criminal anarchism are never treated lightly by the authorities, it is disturbing to note that the frequency is exceeded by causes that are getting to be flimsy, even irrational. Uppermost on the minds of government and Abri (armed forces) leaders must be this: Is social anger bubbling to the surface, or are these disparate acts of vandalism? The suspicion is strong that it is the former. If so, the authorities should face it squarely. In Thursday's riot, a mob estimated by police at 5,000 took to the streets solely because rumours had circulated that one of several Islamic teachers beatun up by police on a complaint of theft had died. What followed saw a pattern consistent with past disturbances: churches and cars burned, homes and businesses owned by Chinese sacked. And once again, frightened Chinese Indonesians are forced to re-examine their future. In October, the trial for blasphemy of a Muslim heretic set off rioting in the eastern Java town of Situbondo. The count: five dead, homes, Christian churches and schools and a Hindu temple razed. Religious zealotry was clearly implicated. But the National Commission on Human Rights concluded that the Situbondo incident was the work of criminals, not a religious conflict. This calls to mind a warning by Abri chief Gen Feisal Tanjung the day before the Tasikmalaya incident that trouble caused by religious differences is more dangerous to national stability than racial or ethnic conflict. Thoughtful Indonesians should worry whether the string of incidents is not a sign that law and order is fraying at the edges. The corollary has to be that, although poverty has been reduced in the three decades of President Suharto's New Order, inequality arising from the persistent wealth gap between rich and poor is endangering national cohesion. Mob attacks then become convenient for venting frustration. Whether they are caused directly by religious or race animosities would not matter that much. Any provocation would be all that embittered jobless people or urban squatters need to start burning houses, businesses and places of worship. The Tasikmalaya riot fits that pattern. Suggestions by the authorities that organised saboteurs with possible communist links could have instigated the trouble, even if correct, should not obviate the need to examine deep-seated resentments. That could also explain the July riot which broke out after a police raid on the headquarters of the opposition PDI, the Democratic Party. Youths have even gone on the rampage over soccer matches and pop concerts. The underlying discontent needs to be tackled. There are government programmes to help the poor and relieve poverty. More needs to be done, and more effectively, so that results can be monitored. There are also acts of executive fiat. One such was President Suharto's decree last week that individuals and companies with after-tax income of more than 100 million rupiah (S$60,000) must donate 2 per cent to a fund to help the poor. It will make the rich see red; one company stated baldly that it would pass the additional "tax" on to consumers. If the rich have a better alternative, they should speak up. Stability in Indonesia is everyone's business. ----- End Included Message -----